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New York City English

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"New York English" redirects here. For other uses, see New York English (disambiguation).

New York City English
RegionNew York City
EthnicityVarious, see: Demographics of New York City
Language family
Indo-European
  • Germanic
    • West Germanic
      • Ingvaeonic
        • Anglo–Frisian
          • Anglic
            • English
              • North American English
                • American English
                  • New York City English
Early forms
Old English
  • Middle English
    • Early Modern English
Writing system
  • Latin (English alphabet)
  • American Braille
Language codes
ISO 639-3–
Glottolognewy1234[1]
IETFen-u-sd-usny
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

New York City English, or Metropolitan New York English,[2] is a regional dialect of American English spoken by many people in New York City and much of its surrounding metropolitan area. Described by sociolinguist William Labov as the most recognizable regional dialect in North America,[3] its pronunciation system—the New York accent—is widely represented in American media with many public figures and fictional characters. Major features of the accent include a high, gliding /ɔ/ vowel (in words like talk and caught); a split of the "short a" vowel /æ/ into two separate sounds; variable dropping of r sounds; and a lack of the cot–caught, Mary–marry–merry, and hurry–furry mergers heard in many other American accents.

Today, New York City English is associated particularly with urban New Yorkers of lower or mid socioeconomic status, descended from 19th- and 20th-century European immigrants.[4] It is spoken in all five boroughs of the City and Long Island's Nassau County, as well as in varying degrees among speakers in Suffolk County (Long Island), Westchester County, and Rockland County of New York State, plus Hudson and Bergen Counties in northeastern New Jersey.[5]

History[]

The origins of many of New York City English's diverse features are probably not recoverable. New York City English, largely with the same major pronunciation system popularly recognized today, was first reproduced in literature and scientifically documented in the 1890s.[6] It was then, and still mostly is, associated with ethnically diverse European-American native-English speakers. The entire Mid-Atlantic United States, including both New York City and the Delaware Valley (whose own distinct dialect centers around Philadelphia and Baltimore) shares certain key features, including a high /ɔ/ vowel with a glide (sometimes called the aww vowel) as well as a phonemic split of the short a vowel, /æ/ (making gas and gap, for example, have different vowels sounds)—New York City's split not identical though to Philadelphia's. Linguist William Labov has pointed out that a similarly structured (though differently pronounced) split is found today even in the southern accents of England; thus, a single common origin of this split may trace back to colonial-era England.[lower-alpha 1]

New York City became an urban economic power in the eighteenth century, with the city's financial elites maintaining close ties with the British Empire even after the Revolutionary War. According to Labov, New York City speakers' loss of the r sound after vowels (incidentally, not found in the nearby Delaware Valley) began as a nineteenth-century imitation of the prestigious British feature, consistently starting among the upper classes in New York City before spreading to other socioeconomic classes.[7] After World War II, social perceptions reversed and r-preserving (rhotic) pronunciations became the new American prestige standard, rejecting East Coast and British accent features,[8] while postwar migrations transferred rhotic speakers directly to New York City from other regions of the country. The result is that non-rhoticity, which was once a high-status feature and later a city-wide feature, has been diminishing and now, since the mid-twentieth century onward, largely remains only among lower-status New Yorkers.[9] Today, New York City metropolitan accents are often rhotic or variably rhotic.

Other features of the dialect, such as the dental pronunciations of d and t, and related th-stopping, likely come from contact with foreign languages, particularly Italian and Yiddish, brought into New York City through its huge immigration waves of Europeans during the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Grammatical structures, such as the lack of inversion in indirect questions, similarly suggest contact with immigrant languages, plus several words common in the city are derived from such foreign languages.[10]

Influence on other dialects[]

Philadelphians born in the twentieth century exhibit a short-a split system that some linguists regard as a simplification of the very similar New York City short-a split.[11] Younger Philadelphians, however, are retreating from many of the traditional features shared in common with New York City.[12] Due to an influx of immigrants from New York City and neighboring New Jersey to southern Florida, some resident southern Floridians now speak with an accent reminiscent of a New York accent. Additionally, as a result of social and commercial contact between New Orleans, Louisiana and New York City,[13] the traditional accent of New Orleans, known locally as "Yat", bears distinctive similarities with the New York accent, including the (moribund) coil–curl merger, raising of /ɔ/ to [ɔə], a similar split in the short-a system, and th-stopping. Similarly, dialect similarities suggest that older New York City English also influenced Cincinnati, Ohio and Albany, New York, whose older speakers in particular may still exhibit a short-a split system that linguists suggest is an expanded or generalized variant of the New York City short-a system. Certain New York City dialect features also understandably appear in New York City Latino English.

Recent developments[]

Though William Labov argued in 2010 that the New York City accent is basically stable at the moment,[14] some recent studies have revealed a trend of recession in most features of the accent, especially among younger speakers from middle-class or higher backgrounds. Documented loss of New York City accent features includes the loss of the coil–curl merger (now almost completely extinct), non-rhoticity, and the extremely raised long vowel [ɔ] (as in talk, cough, or law). Researchers proposed that the motivation behind these recessive trends is the stigmatization against the typical New York City accent since the mid-1900s as being associated with a poorer or working-class background, often also corresponding with particular ethnic identities. While earlier projects detected trends of emphasizing New York City accents as part of a process of social identification, recent researches attribute the loss of typical accent features to in-group ethnic distancing. In other words, many of the young generations of ethnic groups who formerly were the most representative speakers of the accent are currently avoiding its features in order to not stand out socially or ethnically.[15]

Pronunciation[]

Main article: New York accent

The pronunciation of New York City English, most popularly acknowledged by the term New York accent, is readily noticed and stereotyped, garnering considerable attention in American culture.[16] Some well-known phonological features include its traditional dropping of r except before vowels, a short-a split system (in which, for example, the a in gas is not assonant to the a in gap), a high gliding /ɔ/ vowel (in words like talk, thought, all, etc. and thus an absence of the cot–caught merger),[16] absence of the Mary–marry–merry merger, and the highly stigmatized (and largely now-extinct) coil–curl merger.[17]

Vocabulary and grammar[]

See also: Regional vocabularies of American English

There are some words used mainly in Greater New York City. For instance, a "stoop" (from the Dutch word "stoep") is the front steps of a building. In the black and Latino communities, the word punk tends to be used as a synonym for "weak", "someone unwilling or unable to defend himself" or perhaps "loser", though it appears to descend from an outdated African-American English meaning of male receptive participant in anal sex.[18]

Metro New Yorkers tend to say they stand on line, whereas most other New York and American-English speakers tend to stand in line.[19] Small convenience stores have, in recent decades, particularly in New York City though not on Long Island generally, often been called bodegas, from the Spanish term originally meaning "a wine storehouse" via the Puerto Rican Spanish term for "small store; corner store"; by extension, "bodega cats" is the term for the cats that inhabit such establishments.[20] These small stores may also be called delis, which is the short form of delicatessens.

Conversational styles[]

New York City speakers have some unique conversational styles. Linguistics professor Deborah Tannen notes in a New York Times article it has "an emphasis to involve the other person, rather than being considerate. It would be asking questions as a show of interest in the other person, whereas in other parts of [the] country, people don't ask because it might put the person on the spot." Metro New Yorkers "stand closer, talk louder, and leave shorter pauses between exchanges," Tannen said. "I call it 'cooperative overlap'. It's a way of showing interest and enthusiasm, but it's often mistaken for interrupting by people from elsewhere in the country." On the other hand, linguist William Labov demurs, "there's nothing known to linguists about 'normal New York City conversation'".[21]

Notable speakers[]

The accent has a strong presence in media; pioneer variationist sociolinguist William Labov describes it as the most recognizable variety of North American English.[3] The following famous people are native New York City area speakers, demonstrating typical features of the accent.


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Fictional characters[]

Many fictional characters in popular films and television shows have used New York City English, whether or not the actors portraying them are native speakers of the dialect. Some examples are listed below.

Geographic boundaries[]

This accent is not spoken in the rest of New York State beyond the immediate New York City metropolitan area. Specifically, the upper Hudson Valley mixes New York City and Western New England accent features, while Central and Western New York belongs to the same dialect region as Great Lakes cities such as Chicago and Detroit, known as the Inland North.[166][167]

New York State[]

New York City English is confined to a geographically small but densely populated area, including all five boroughs of New York City, as well as many speakers on Long Island: generally in Nassau County and somewhat in Suffolk County.[168][169][170][171] Moreover, the English of the Hudson Valley forms a continuum of speakers who gather more features of New York City English the closer they are to the city itself;[172] some of the dialect's features may be heard as far north as the state capital of Albany. A small portion of Connecticut speaks similar, primarily speakers in Fairfield County and as far as New Haven County.[173]

New Jersey[]

The northeast quarter of New Jersey, prominently Bergen, Hudson, and Essex counties, including the cities Weehawken, Hoboken, Jersey City, Bayonne, and Newark,[174] plus Middlesex and Monmouth Counties, are all within the New York City metropolitan area and thus also home to the major features of New York City English. With the exception of New York City's immediate neighbors like Jersey City and Newark,[7] the New York City metropolitan dialect as spoken in New Jersey is rhotic (or fully r-pronouncing), so that, whereas a Brooklynite might pronounce "over there" something like "ovah theah/deah" [oʊvə ˈd̪ɛə], an Elizabeth native might say "over there/dare" [oʊvɚ ˈd̪ɛɚ]. The Atlas of North American English by William Labov et al. shows that the New York City short-a pattern has diffused to many r-pronouncing communities in northern New Jersey like Rutherford (Labov's birthplace) and North Plainfield. However, in these communities, the function word constraint is lost and the open syllable constraint is variable.[175]

Notable speakers[]

The following is a list of notable lifelong native speakers of the rhotic New York City English of northeastern New Jersey:

Frank Sinatra is an older example of a non-rhotic speaker from New Jersey.

See also[]

  • American English regional vocabulary
  • New Orleans English
  • North American English regional phonology
  • Mission brogue
  • New York Latino English

Notes[]

  1. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 173: "In NYC and the Mid-Atlantic region, short-a is split into a tense and lax class. There is reason to believe that the tense class /æh/ descends from the British /ah/ or 'broad-a' class."

References[]

  1. ↑ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "New York City English". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History. http://glottolog.org/resource/languoid/id/newy1234. 
  2. ↑ Morén, Bruce (2000). Distinctiveness, Coercion and Sonority: A Unified Theory of Weight. Routledge. p. 203.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Labov, William (2006). The Social Stratification of English in New York City (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 18. ISBN 0-521-82122-3. 
  4. ↑ Newman, 2014, pp. 1-3.
  5. ↑ Newman, 2014, pp. 17-18: "Although small, the [dialect] region is certainly populous. The 2010 US Census gives the population of New York City at 8,175,133. Nassau County, which is entirely within the dialect region, adds 1,339,532. The remaining counties are only partly inside. They include Suffolk (1,493,350), Westchester (949,113), and Rockland (311,687) in New York State and Hudson (905,113), Essex, and Bergen (905,116) in New Jersey".
  6. ↑ Mencken, H. L. (1919; reprinted 2012). American Language, 4th Edition. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 367
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 47
  8. ↑ Labov (1966/2006)
  9. ↑ Sȩn, Ann L. (1979). "English in the Big Apple: Historical Backgrounds of New York City Speech". The English Journal 68 (8): 52–55. doi:10.2307/815156. JSTOR 815156. 
  10. ↑ Labov 1972
  11. ↑ Ash, Sharon (2002). "The Distribution of a Phonemic Split in the Mid-Atlantic Region: Yet More on Short a Archived March 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine." University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. University of Pennsylvania. p. 1
  12. ↑ Labov, W.; Rosenfelder, I.; Fruehwald, J. (2013). "One Hundred Years of Sound Change in Philadelphia: Linear Incrementation, Reversal, and Reanalysis". Language 89 (1): 30–65 [p. 61]. doi:10.1353/lan.2013.0015. JSTOR 23357721. https://www.pure.ed.ac.uk/ws/files/13269097/One_Hundred_Years_of_Sound_Change_in_Philadelphia.pdf. 
  13. ↑ "The Many Accents of New Orleans". https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4961257. 
  14. ↑ Labov, William (2010). The Politics of Language Change: Dialect Divergence in America (Pre-publication draft). The University of Virginia Press. p. 53. http://www.cogsci.msu.edu/DSS/2011-2012/Labov/POLC%20Chapters%201-3.pdf. 
  15. ↑ Becker, K. (2014). "The social motivations of reversal: Raised BOUGHT in New York City English". Language in Society 43 (4): 395–420. doi:10.1017/S0047404514000372. http://www.reed.edu/linguistics/becker/Becker_2014_BOUGHT.pdf. 
  16. ↑ 16.0 16.1 Labov et al., 2006, p. 233
  17. ↑ Labov et al., 2006, p. 260
  18. ↑ Spears, Arthur (1998). "African American language: Ideology and so-called obscenity". In Mufwene, Salikoko; Rickford, John; Bailey, Guy et al.. African American English: Structure, History, and Use. London: Routledge. pp. 226–250. ISBN 0-415-11733-X. 
  19. ↑ Doll, Jen (November 6, 2012). "The Semantics of Voting: You Say 'On Line,' I Say 'In Line'". theatlantic.com. Archived from the original on February 19, 2017.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  20. ↑ Wang, Hansi Lo (10 March 2017). "New York City Bodegas And The Generations Who Love Them". NPR. Retrieved 21 October 2019.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  21. ↑ John Leland, "Was it 'normal New York City conversation'?" New York Times, June 9, 2017
  22. ↑ Faison, Seth (September 12, 1995). "A Well-Known Hat Bobs at Women's Conference". New York Times. https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE4DF113FF931A2575AC0A963958260. 
  23. ↑ Lehman, Jeffrey, ed. (2005). "Abzug, Bella Savitsky". West's Encyclopedia of American Law (2nd ed.). Thomson Gale. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-7876-6367-4. https://archive.org/details/westsencyclopedi13lehm. 
  24. ↑ Mitchell, Alex (June 3, 2021) "NYC Mayoral Candidates With the Best — and Worst — New York Accents", New York Post. Retrieved April 11, 2022.
  25. ↑ Golden, Tim (February 10, 1991). "Danny Aiello Journeys Along The Blue-Collar Road to Stardom". New York Times. https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D0CE7D9143EF933A25751C0A967958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2. 
  26. ↑ "Danny Aiello Biography". Yahoo! Movies. Archived from the original on March 16, 2007. Retrieved July 14, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  27. ↑ 27.00 27.01 27.02 27.03 27.04 27.05 27.06 27.07 27.08 27.09 27.10 27.11 27.12 27.13 27.14 Blumenfeld, Robert (2002). "Regional Accents in the U.S.A., Hawaii, Samoa". Accents: A Manual for Actors (2nd ed.). Limelight Editions. p. 166. ISBN 978-0-87910-967-7. https://archive.org/details/accentsmanualfor00blum/page/166. 
  28. ↑ 28.00 28.01 28.02 28.03 28.04 28.05 28.06 28.07 28.08 28.09 28.10 28.11 28.12 28.13 28.14 28.15 28.16 28.17 28.18 28.19 Blumenfeld, Robert (2013). "Teach Yourself New York City Accents". Teach Yourself Accents – North America: A Handbook for Young Actors and Speakers. Limelight Editions. ISBN 978-0879108083. 
  29. ↑ Kahn, Robert (January 6, 2007). "The Buzz: This time, Alda plays a good apple". Newsday. http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:nOI9Ab0wypYJ:http://www.newsday.com/entertainment/fanfare/the-buzz-1.606970%2BAlan+Alda+%22new+york+accent%22&hl=en&gbv=2&ct=clnk. [dead link]
  30. ↑ Bauers, Sandy (October 27, 2005). "Afghan class bias scrutinized". Chicago Tribune. Archived from the original on April 21, 2014. Retrieved April 21, 2014.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  31. ↑ 31.0 31.1 31.2 31.3 31.4 31.5 31.6 31.7 Stamler, Bernard (September 20, 1998). "Talking the Tawk; New Yorkers Are Sounding More Like Everybody Else. Is It Curtains for the Accent People Love to Hate?". New York Times. https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D06EEDC1430F933A1575AC0A96E958260. 
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 32.2 32.3 32.4 Schiffman, Jean (July 23, 1998). "Noo Yawk Tawk – To learn the intricacies of the New York accent, keep in mind that Rosie Perez ain't Archie Bunker and Paul Reiser ain't Joe Pesci". Back Stage West. Archived from the original on November 1, 2010. Retrieved August 16, 2009.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
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